Is this Impact?

I strive to make a positive impact through my work, as many academics do. I also support colleagues to develop their own impact and am often asked by organisations to comment on their plans for creating change.

Graphic of the difference between activity and impact.

So often people think #Impact is what they did—making meals, donating #food or funds, volunteering. They then measure the significance of that activity in terms of its reach: millions of meals served, pounds donated, or volunteer hours.

But that’s not impact.

That’s activity.

The real questions are:

➡️ And then what happened?
➡️ Why does that matter?
➡️ How is the world better because of it?

If the answers to those questions are not compelling, then it may be time to rethink what you’re doing—and how you’re doing it.

This is why, in our recent report on food clubs, we didn’t just ask how many people attended or how much food was distributed. We asked whether food clubs helped people become more food secure, whether they improved diets, reduced anxiety about food, strengthened cooking confidence, and reduced reliance on emergency food support.

Those are the outcomes that matter because they tell us something about whether people’s lives are actually improving.

Measuring activity is important. But measuring impact means asking whether that activity has created meaningful change for the people and communities it was intended to benefit.

I’d be interested to hear: What’s the best example you’ve seen of an organisation moving beyond measuring activity to demonstrating real impact?

Beyond Hunger: How Communities Fight Back Against Food Insecurity and Neoliberalism a podcast

I have been playing around with Google’s Notebook LM. One feature is the audio overview option. This produces a podcast-type audio discussion that reviews the documents that you ask it to. For this podcast, I asked it to do this for my paper, More than Just Food, which I published in 2019. I was really impressed with the outcome. The podcast lasts about 16 minutes. Have a listen. What do you think?

Social Justice in a time of crisis–Society, community and reflections on how we might evaluate those running for election and the recent UK budget.

I read the newspaper this morning, and like yesterday morning, most of what I saw was crisis talk. With good reason. Wars and conflicts are multiple. The increase in frequency and magnitude of weather events (which are scientifically linked to climate change) results in large numbers of deaths and longer-term effects such as loss of property and livelihoods.  Once vibrant communities struggle to recover. 

These events have long-lasting effects. Hurricane Helene, which struck North Carolina (USA) at the end of September, illustrates this. My mother, who lives in a retirement community, is safe, but one month still does not have drinking water. She tells me it is difficult, but it is okay, given they have electricity and broadband service now. She says her inconvenience is minor as hundreds of people remain missing in Asheville. One resident described it as a post-apocalyptic landscape.  

We also have what seems like three patterns of crisis —The sudden and many catastrophic crises that seem to happen without warning, the crises that emerge out of political and ideological differences, greed, and a desire for control, and then the quiet and persistent crises that become a way of life for so many who have just had the misfortune not to be able to reside among the wealthy and powerful.  Or maybe they are all just manifestations of the same thing. 

“Anti-imigrant sentiments, nationalist populist authoritarianism, militarised security discourses, racist policies, regressive gender politics, and climate change denial (or hostility) are linked, whether in the United States, Italy, Inda, Hungary, the Philipeans, Brazil, Israel, or Poland. …The global economic system is ever more integrated under neoliberalism, hostility to immigrants and refugees is high. Economic inequality has reached levels never seen before in any period of human history. …Interwoven are crises of modernity (including declining faith in technical authority and scientific knoweldge, attacks on media institutions, and the winding down of the American centry (albeit with bellicose American exceptionalism denying its demise).

The moment of crisis is the moment of rupture. Domiant belief systems and ideologies that dispute them come into view, or sharper relief.

Starting from the premise that environmental damages are interwoven with political and social conflicts, … how organisers, communities, and movements fight, survive, love, and create in the face of environmental and social violence that challenges the very conditions of life itself.” (Sze J. Environmental justice in a moment of danger. University of California Press; 2020, p. 2-4)

I was speaking to someone recently who claims to not “do politics” while at the same time progressing the understanding that to be a socialist is a bad thing. It turns out he did not actually know what socialism entails. This is a man who is caring and kind to others. Works in a care home for people with dimentia.

In the remainder of this post, I first unpack different approaches to justice. and then I reflect on the US election and the 2024 UK budget. The use of the terms conservative and progressive does not refer to specific political parties per se, but instead, ideologies that have been termed conservative and progressive. These terms existed long before the specific parties, although the parties do align (sometimes loosely, sometimes more tightly) with these ideologies.

While equity is an essential first step in achieving progressive justice, it is insufficient because it does not acknowledge that past injustices have effects that linger into the future and create barriers that require dismantling. Progressive justice is about improving social conditions or making a better world. Drawing on Rousseau, progressive justice also recognises that the social order (e.g., class structure, conventions on behaviours linked to gender) does not come from natural selection but instead is founded on social conventions that have given advantages to some and, therefore, work for those who benefit and disadvantages to others and as such do not work.

Progressive justice also depends on recognising that we only achieve the position and value we have because others recognise that value. If I refuse to acknowledge your position, I am also denying your position. A president only has authority if people grant them that authority. Where conservative justice fails is that it does not acknowledge this fact. Hegal argues that acknowledging this fact of recognition is (part of) what creates society. He contends that we only achieve our own autonomy through mutual recognition–I recognise you as someone who has the authority to say that I have status. The irony of freedom is that we cannot be free except in terms of our relations with others and through being in society.

Humans desire and need to receive and give recognition because it helps us to have a sense of ourselves. We commit acts of moral violence through misrecognition and denial, such as when we deny rights or refuse social inclusion. People who experience this moral injury experience indignity and are denied self-hood, which is the core experience of injustice. Recognition creates community.

So what does this mean for crisis?

To mitigate crisis, we must prevent it before it happens and eliminate vulnerabilities. This cannot occur through conservative justice that reifies individualism, sees difference as rooted in a pre-given (god given?) natural order, and starts from a position that people deserve what they get. Real human progress can only happen if we acknowledge the community’s central role. Among the stories of difficulty and hardship that resulted from Hurricane Helene, there also emerged quiet stories of care and community. People hauled water for those who could not do it themselves. Food was shared with those who were without. People opened their homes for those lacking shelter. These are not stories of conservative justice, but of progressive justice and illustrate that we all benefit from a society that breaks down barriers that limit the capabilities of people to thrive and succeed.

On Tuesday, 5 November, there is an election. The only way to achieve a better world is to evaluate those running for political parties on a justice basis. Even when choices are not perfect, a balance in favour of progressive justice is progress. Indeed, candidates that call for individualism, maintenance of hierarchies established in the past and their corresponding misrecognition can only lead us into more profound crises, which, without community, we will not survive.

Today’s news also included the key takeaways from the UK Budget. People have been talking about this for some time now and there will be more talk, no doubt. The doubters will be angry, regardless. But I contend that much of this doubt stems from a lack of understanding about the ethical underpinnings. The budget increases taxes by £40 billion. A big number even in national budget terms. Beyond understanding in household budget terms. But the importance is in the how not the what.

  • The minimum wage will increase for those over 21. This will increase tax takings because incomes will be higher for so many (and yes, businesses will say it cuts into their ability to survive and for some, it will, but for many, it will just mean the bonus to the big boss may not be so high. I’ve written about this elsewhere). It will also impact charitable organisations and social enterprises that deliver so many of our community services, which is worrying. One of the groups most vulnerable to food insecurity is young people. A decent wage is necessary for a healthy diet and wellbeing. A healthy workforce is also more productive.
  • Employer national insurance is increasing. This, again, is a benefit to society because National Insurance pays for health care. A healthy workforce is also more productive. Universal Health Care benefits us all and is a public good. You may not need it now, but in all likelihood, you will one day.
  • Capital gains tax will be more in line with income tax from employment. Many who pay themselves through dividends do not pay income tax, and they have been doing this to avoid paying taxes. Most people with lower incomes do not have the option to take dividend payments. This progressive tax increase asks those who are more advantaged to pay a bit more of their share.
  • The conservative party froze tax band thresholds for those who receive wages. These will rise at the rate of inflation from 2028. This is progressive as it acknowledges that it is more expensive to be poor compared to being rich.
  • Those who are sick and disabled will get an increase in benefits. Current rates create a bare life for many. This will go a little way toward increasing the opportunities for people who are sick and disabled to be able to thrive.
  • Carers’ allowance income thresholds will increase, and the unpaid work people do to care for others will save the public purse a lot of money. Pushing them into or keeping them in poverty only undermines their health. This is progressive.
  • The household support fund is to increase. This is generally good, as so many local authorities are using some of this money to build community interventions that increase resilience (for example, by funding interventions at rungs 2 and 3 of the food ladders. However, I am not convinced by the cash-first approach that has also been used because I do not see it as a human development approach, as I’ve elaborated here and here.
  • Fuel duty will be frozen at 5p.
  • The duty on draft beer will go down by 1.7%. It remains to be seen if this will extend to the customer or even the pub landlord. Let’s wait and see.
  • Tax on cigarettes, tobacco, and vaping will increase. From a public health perspective, this may be a good thing as it is thought to encourage people to cut back or not start. However, a large number of smokers get their tobacco from abroad, where they are much cheaper. People who go away bring them back for their smoking friends.
  • VAT will be charged on private school fees. One effect will be that these schools will become even more elite as those who can only just afford to send their children to these schools will no longer be able to do so. However, these children will still need to go to school, and this will push these children into state schools, which may not be a bad thing. The budget also has money to rebuild or replace schools that are not fit for purpose. This feels like a progressive policy in the round.
  • The budget for school breakfast clubs will be increased. I’m torn on this one. Breakfast clubs can be good and help a lot of children. I would rather see the funding go toward an uplift in the threshold for free or universal free school meals. However, if this latter were to happen, we would need a new mechanism for calculating the pupil premium.
  • Increased spending for those children with special education needs. This is progressive in that it can reduce the barriers that SEN impose on people’s life chances and their ability to thrive in later life.
  • HS2 between West London and Birmingham will go ahead. It is not my first choice for public spending, but I can see some benefits.
  • Tax on private jet travel will increase by about £450 per passenger. The hope is that this will reduce such air travel. This has positive environmental implications, and it is unlikely to impact those who struggle the most.
  • The soft drink levy will go up. Again, there are health implications. However, it pushes such beverages into luxury product territory.

Overall, this is a much more progressive budget than expected and that we have seen in a very long time. It is likely to impact those who can afford it much more than those who can least afford it.

Ultra Processed Food, Stomach Share, and the Problem of Food Contexts

Ultra processed foods are in the news more and more. A recent meta-study found there are a myriad of health issues linked to diets comprised primarily of such foods. When thinking about the level of processing, foods are typically categorised into 4 groups: unprocessed or minimally processed, processed culinary ingredients, processed foods and ultra-processed foods.

Processing is not a bad thing in and of itself. Pickling, fermenting, canning, even chopping and cooking are processes. We process things to turn them into food at home, in restaurants and in factories. Ultra-processed foods are distinctive in that they change the nature of the original ingredients, such that very little of the original whole food is left, and they include chemicals that you would not find in an ordinary kitchen. These include emulsifiers, artificial colours and flavours, stabilisers, sweeteners, and other additives to make them taste better and last longer. They also are fatty, salty or sugary and lack dietary fibre. What we might think of as empty calories.

Ultra-processed foods are also less expensive and, because they last longer than fresh foods, are less risky for a tight household budget. But we pay for this low cost in other ways. Individually, we pay for this food with our health. We also pay collectively, if somewhat unevenly, for it with the environment. Ultra-processed foods drive mono-crop production that undermines ecosystems and harms biodiversity. The processing is also energy-intensive and dependent upon petrochemical inputs, thereby contributing to climate change.

We can tell people to stop eating these foods, but educational campaigns won’t work on their own. People need to have the capability to eat differently. If those foods that are better for you are not available in the place where you live or they are too expensive then all that the education will do is create further feelings of guilt.

Ultra-processed foods are a key part of a system that rewards producers for creating these foods in the form of profits now, whilst undermining our global food security now and into the future. Because this is a systemic problem we need systems solutions that intersect at all points of the supply chain and operate at different scales. Introducing disincentives for the production and sale of ultra-processed foods, shifting to agroecologiecal farming practices, and re-introducing these better foods into neighbourhoods all need to be considered.

I recently participated in a webinar by Healthy Diets Healthy Life (HDHL) as part of the European Commission’s Bioeconomy Changemakers festival. In addition to learning about HDHL and hearing two other speakers talk about ultra-processed foods from a bio-economy and a nutrition perspective, I talk about the contexts within which people access and purchase food. My section starts at about 38 minutes in.

webinar on ultra-processed food

So what can we do right now? We can pressure government to put constraints on the way those in the food sector operate and provide incentives to act in a way that is better for both health and the environment. Individually, we can also try where we can to introduce more foods into our diets that replace the ultra-processed foods we currently eat. As a society, including commercial organisations, we can also support initiatives that help people by expanding their access to and knowledge of those foods that are better for them, which do so in non-stigmatising ways. I talk about two such initiatives in the video.