I have been playing around with Google’s Notebook LM. One feature is the audio overview option. This produces a podcast-type audio discussion that reviews the documents that you ask it to. For this podcast, I asked it to do this for my paper, More than Just Food, which I published in 2019. I was really impressed with the outcome. The podcast lasts about 16 minutes. Have a listen. What do you think?
Tag Archives: neoliberalism
Social Justice in a time of crisis–Society, community and reflections on how we might evaluate those running for election and the recent UK budget.
I read the newspaper this morning, and like yesterday morning, most of what I saw was crisis talk. With good reason. Wars and conflicts are multiple. The increase in frequency and magnitude of weather events (which are scientifically linked to climate change) results in large numbers of deaths and longer-term effects such as loss of property and livelihoods. Once vibrant communities struggle to recover.
These events have long-lasting effects. Hurricane Helene, which struck North Carolina (USA) at the end of September, illustrates this. My mother, who lives in a retirement community, is safe, but one month still does not have drinking water. She tells me it is difficult, but it is okay, given they have electricity and broadband service now. She says her inconvenience is minor as hundreds of people remain missing in Asheville. One resident described it as a post-apocalyptic landscape.
We also have what seems like three patterns of crisis —The sudden and many catastrophic crises that seem to happen without warning, the crises that emerge out of political and ideological differences, greed, and a desire for control, and then the quiet and persistent crises that become a way of life for so many who have just had the misfortune not to be able to reside among the wealthy and powerful. Or maybe they are all just manifestations of the same thing.
“Anti-imigrant sentiments, nationalist populist authoritarianism, militarised security discourses, racist policies, regressive gender politics, and climate change denial (or hostility) are linked, whether in the United States, Italy, Inda, Hungary, the Philipeans, Brazil, Israel, or Poland. …The global economic system is ever more integrated under neoliberalism, hostility to immigrants and refugees is high. Economic inequality has reached levels never seen before in any period of human history. …Interwoven are crises of modernity (including declining faith in technical authority and scientific knoweldge, attacks on media institutions, and the winding down of the American centry (albeit with bellicose American exceptionalism denying its demise).
The moment of crisis is the moment of rupture. Domiant belief systems and ideologies that dispute them come into view, or sharper relief.
Starting from the premise that environmental damages are interwoven with political and social conflicts, … how organisers, communities, and movements fight, survive, love, and create in the face of environmental and social violence that challenges the very conditions of life itself.” (Sze J. Environmental justice in a moment of danger. University of California Press; 2020, p. 2-4)
I teach a module at the University of Sheffield called Social Justice in the Time of Crisis. We introduce notions of crisis and consider how these are made within the contexts Sze discusses. We also talk about justice. Do we want to live in a perpetual crisis, or are there ways to move beyond and redesign a system that has produced the crises we are now experiencing? This is a discussion of world views and what social relations should look like. It requires an understanding of ethical perspectives on what is right or just. We don’t all hold the same views, and understanding and thinking critically about where we stand on the fundamentals is imperative for how we decide to proceed. Knowing this helps us to answer some fundamental questions such as who gets what? To what extent can people live the lives they can reasonably consider to be valuable? What is the role of recognition? Who should be involved in making decisions and who are we asking to make decisions for us?
I was speaking to someone recently who claims to not “do politics” while at the same time progressing the understanding that to be a socialist is a bad thing. It turns out he did not actually know what socialism entails. This is a man who is caring and kind to others. Works in a care home for people with dimentia.
In the remainder of this post, I first unpack different approaches to justice. and then I reflect on the US election and the 2024 UK budget. The use of the terms conservative and progressive does not refer to specific political parties per se, but instead, ideologies that have been termed conservative and progressive. These terms existed long before the specific parties, although the parties do align (sometimes loosely, sometimes more tightly) with these ideologies.
What kind of justice?


Conservative justice starts from a position that people deserve what they get. It is a merit-based form of justice, whereby what you deserve or don’t is based on what you have done. There is no recognition of how past social inequalities linger and shape intergenerational outcomes in this view, nor of how social norms ask certain groups to disproportionately do the unpaid work of care that limits their ability to engage with paid work. There is also no recognition of a public good. The foundational belief is people should be able to keep what they have earned and then pay at the point of use for those things they want. A belief that we should not have to pay for school meals, childcare, or education if we do not have children is an example of such thinking. This thinking fails to recognise that we all benefit from having well fed and educated children. There is a focus on equality, whereby everyone is treated the same way, regardless of the myriad differences that make us human. This is in stark contrast to equity, where people are provided with what they need to succeed. Everyone should not get the same because our needs are not the same.
While equity is an essential first step in achieving progressive justice, it is insufficient because it does not acknowledge that past injustices have effects that linger into the future and create barriers that require dismantling. Progressive justice is about improving social conditions or making a better world. Drawing on Rousseau, progressive justice also recognises that the social order (e.g., class structure, conventions on behaviours linked to gender) does not come from natural selection but instead is founded on social conventions that have given advantages to some and, therefore, work for those who benefit and disadvantages to others and as such do not work.
Progressive justice also depends on recognising that we only achieve the position and value we have because others recognise that value. If I refuse to acknowledge your position, I am also denying your position. A president only has authority if people grant them that authority. Where conservative justice fails is that it does not acknowledge this fact. Hegal argues that acknowledging this fact of recognition is (part of) what creates society. He contends that we only achieve our own autonomy through mutual recognition–I recognise you as someone who has the authority to say that I have status. The irony of freedom is that we cannot be free except in terms of our relations with others and through being in society.
Humans desire and need to receive and give recognition because it helps us to have a sense of ourselves. We commit acts of moral violence through misrecognition and denial, such as when we deny rights or refuse social inclusion. People who experience this moral injury experience indignity and are denied self-hood, which is the core experience of injustice. Recognition creates community.

So what does this mean for crisis?
To mitigate crisis, we must prevent it before it happens and eliminate vulnerabilities. This cannot occur through conservative justice that reifies individualism, sees difference as rooted in a pre-given (god given?) natural order, and starts from a position that people deserve what they get. Real human progress can only happen if we acknowledge the community’s central role. Among the stories of difficulty and hardship that resulted from Hurricane Helene, there also emerged quiet stories of care and community. People hauled water for those who could not do it themselves. Food was shared with those who were without. People opened their homes for those lacking shelter. These are not stories of conservative justice, but of progressive justice and illustrate that we all benefit from a society that breaks down barriers that limit the capabilities of people to thrive and succeed.
On Tuesday, 5 November, there is an election. The only way to achieve a better world is to evaluate those running for political parties on a justice basis. Even when choices are not perfect, a balance in favour of progressive justice is progress. Indeed, candidates that call for individualism, maintenance of hierarchies established in the past and their corresponding misrecognition can only lead us into more profound crises, which, without community, we will not survive.
Today’s news also included the key takeaways from the UK Budget. People have been talking about this for some time now and there will be more talk, no doubt. The doubters will be angry, regardless. But I contend that much of this doubt stems from a lack of understanding about the ethical underpinnings. The budget increases taxes by £40 billion. A big number even in national budget terms. Beyond understanding in household budget terms. But the importance is in the how not the what.
- The minimum wage will increase for those over 21. This will increase tax takings because incomes will be higher for so many (and yes, businesses will say it cuts into their ability to survive and for some, it will, but for many, it will just mean the bonus to the big boss may not be so high. I’ve written about this elsewhere). It will also impact charitable organisations and social enterprises that deliver so many of our community services, which is worrying. One of the groups most vulnerable to food insecurity is young people. A decent wage is necessary for a healthy diet and wellbeing. A healthy workforce is also more productive.
- Employer national insurance is increasing. This, again, is a benefit to society because National Insurance pays for health care. A healthy workforce is also more productive. Universal Health Care benefits us all and is a public good. You may not need it now, but in all likelihood, you will one day.
- Capital gains tax will be more in line with income tax from employment. Many who pay themselves through dividends do not pay income tax, and they have been doing this to avoid paying taxes. Most people with lower incomes do not have the option to take dividend payments. This progressive tax increase asks those who are more advantaged to pay a bit more of their share.
- The conservative party froze tax band thresholds for those who receive wages. These will rise at the rate of inflation from 2028. This is progressive as it acknowledges that it is more expensive to be poor compared to being rich.
- Those who are sick and disabled will get an increase in benefits. Current rates create a bare life for many. This will go a little way toward increasing the opportunities for people who are sick and disabled to be able to thrive.
- Carers’ allowance income thresholds will increase, and the unpaid work people do to care for others will save the public purse a lot of money. Pushing them into or keeping them in poverty only undermines their health. This is progressive.
- The household support fund is to increase. This is generally good, as so many local authorities are using some of this money to build community interventions that increase resilience (for example, by funding interventions at rungs 2 and 3 of the food ladders. However, I am not convinced by the cash-first approach that has also been used because I do not see it as a human development approach, as I’ve elaborated here and here.
- Fuel duty will be frozen at 5p.
- The duty on draft beer will go down by 1.7%. It remains to be seen if this will extend to the customer or even the pub landlord. Let’s wait and see.
- Tax on cigarettes, tobacco, and vaping will increase. From a public health perspective, this may be a good thing as it is thought to encourage people to cut back or not start. However, a large number of smokers get their tobacco from abroad, where they are much cheaper. People who go away bring them back for their smoking friends.
- VAT will be charged on private school fees. One effect will be that these schools will become even more elite as those who can only just afford to send their children to these schools will no longer be able to do so. However, these children will still need to go to school, and this will push these children into state schools, which may not be a bad thing. The budget also has money to rebuild or replace schools that are not fit for purpose. This feels like a progressive policy in the round.
- The budget for school breakfast clubs will be increased. I’m torn on this one. Breakfast clubs can be good and help a lot of children. I would rather see the funding go toward an uplift in the threshold for free or universal free school meals. However, if this latter were to happen, we would need a new mechanism for calculating the pupil premium.
- Increased spending for those children with special education needs. This is progressive in that it can reduce the barriers that SEN impose on people’s life chances and their ability to thrive in later life.
- HS2 between West London and Birmingham will go ahead. It is not my first choice for public spending, but I can see some benefits.
- Tax on private jet travel will increase by about £450 per passenger. The hope is that this will reduce such air travel. This has positive environmental implications, and it is unlikely to impact those who struggle the most.
- The soft drink levy will go up. Again, there are health implications. However, it pushes such beverages into luxury product territory.
Overall, this is a much more progressive budget than expected and that we have seen in a very long time. It is likely to impact those who can afford it much more than those who can least afford it.
Ultra Processed Food, Stomach Share, and the Problem of Food Contexts
Ultra processed foods are in the news more and more. A recent meta-study found there are a myriad of health issues linked to diets comprised primarily of such foods. When thinking about the level of processing, foods are typically categorised into 4 groups: unprocessed or minimally processed, processed culinary ingredients, processed foods and ultra-processed foods.
Processing is not a bad thing in and of itself. Pickling, fermenting, canning, even chopping and cooking are processes. We process things to turn them into food at home, in restaurants and in factories. Ultra-processed foods are distinctive in that they change the nature of the original ingredients, such that very little of the original whole food is left, and they include chemicals that you would not find in an ordinary kitchen. These include emulsifiers, artificial colours and flavours, stabilisers, sweeteners, and other additives to make them taste better and last longer. They also are fatty, salty or sugary and lack dietary fibre. What we might think of as empty calories.
Ultra-processed foods are also less expensive and, because they last longer than fresh foods, are less risky for a tight household budget. But we pay for this low cost in other ways. Individually, we pay for this food with our health. We also pay collectively, if somewhat unevenly, for it with the environment. Ultra-processed foods drive mono-crop production that undermines ecosystems and harms biodiversity. The processing is also energy-intensive and dependent upon petrochemical inputs, thereby contributing to climate change.
We can tell people to stop eating these foods, but educational campaigns won’t work on their own. People need to have the capability to eat differently. If those foods that are better for you are not available in the place where you live or they are too expensive then all that the education will do is create further feelings of guilt.
Ultra-processed foods are a key part of a system that rewards producers for creating these foods in the form of profits now, whilst undermining our global food security now and into the future. Because this is a systemic problem we need systems solutions that intersect at all points of the supply chain and operate at different scales. Introducing disincentives for the production and sale of ultra-processed foods, shifting to agroecologiecal farming practices, and re-introducing these better foods into neighbourhoods all need to be considered.
I recently participated in a webinar by Healthy Diets Healthy Life (HDHL) as part of the European Commission’s Bioeconomy Changemakers festival. In addition to learning about HDHL and hearing two other speakers talk about ultra-processed foods from a bio-economy and a nutrition perspective, I talk about the contexts within which people access and purchase food. My section starts at about 38 minutes in.
So what can we do right now? We can pressure government to put constraints on the way those in the food sector operate and provide incentives to act in a way that is better for both health and the environment. Individually, we can also try where we can to introduce more foods into our diets that replace the ultra-processed foods we currently eat. As a society, including commercial organisations, we can also support initiatives that help people by expanding their access to and knowledge of those foods that are better for them, which do so in non-stigmatising ways. I talk about two such initiatives in the video.
The current state of food insecurity in the UK and why we should stop asking “what can people do?”
I was invited to participate in yesterday’s BBC Radio 4 show Money Box Live. The show included people struggling to make ends meet and worried about what the autumn and winter will bring as the cost of living increases. Front-line service providers talked about what they see on the ground. It was an interesting show with a strong reminder of the struggle that people face. The guests told their stories with dignity, truth and openness. These stories are not, sadly, unique. I have heard them before. We are a wealthy country, yet this is where we are.
This is in a context that is illustrative of our current situation. Dad’s House, which is one of the interviews, is a bit worried about how they will meet the increased demand and continue to provide the great range of community support that is so needed. On the other hand, today’s news reported that the owner of British Gas, one of if not the UK’s major household energy providers, posted billions of profits and are paying dividends to shareholders. One of the interviewees told us, with clear anxiety, how difficult he was finding it to feed his family and how his energy bills have exploded in the recent months and are only set to increase further in the autumn and winter. This is appalling.
The interviewer, like so many do, asked me at the end, “What can people in this situation do?” I knew she was going to ask this question. I was encouraged not to be ‘political’ and just provide advice that households might be able to utilise. I understand where this comes from. There is a clear desire to be helpful and to give people encouragement.
And there are practical things individuals can do. My advice is: Ask your neighbours if they have any tips for how to manage. If you are part of a food club, ask others who are part of that. Share what you do with them. In my research experience, the people living at the sharp end have developed brilliant budgeting strategies and crisis management skills that are effective within the constraints imposed by the wider context and where they live. They know what it is like and have the answers. We should listen to them as they are the experts.
These strategies will help with the stretching, but people and money can only stretch so far. There is only so much elasticity. If the gap is too wide, the money won’t reach and the people will break. This is happening now. I fear for the winter.
When discussing wider contextual changes or ways to intersect with opportunities, that is where academics, service providers and industry experts can provide advice. Martin Lewis is an excellent example. Some of what he says will be relevant, and some won’t. Just take from his toolbox and tell your friends.
The point of this blog post really is to interrogate that question just a little bit more.
This question always makes me uncomfortable because I see it as individualizing what is now largely a social-political-economic problem. It somehow implies that people should be doing more to make their money stretch in this time of a cost of living crisis.
What I want to say in response to this question is:
Push back. Write to your government representative. Join a union if you can. Support the unions if you can’t. Organise one if your sector does not have one. This collective engagement is the opposite of individualization. If we collectively demand better wages and better working conditions, our lives will improve because that will become normal. If we stay quiet or divide ourselves, things will only get worse. Don’t believe the hype. Trickle-down does not ever work and failure is more common than success in business. Very few are actually, truly self-made. Believing you will be the one to succeed where others have failed is highly unlikely. Good on you if that happens, but in a socially just society, it should happen anyway if you have aspiration and drive, regardless of what wages are being paid. So why not live a better life along with your neighbours than suffer on your own? There are clear examples of people achieving individual success in places where the safety net works as it should and where wages and services are sufficient (see for example Sweden).
Individualisation is a neoliberal tactic and, as such, is just as ‘political’ as statements about collectivization. But individualization has become normalised and is perceived as a-political. It is absolutely not. Individualisation is also harmful. It breaks people down and isolates them. It makes them vulnerable to crisis. It creates division and then imposes hierarchies that stigmatise and cause shame. This settles into people. It makes them physically ill and contributes to a further cycle of food insecuirty.
Collective action, mutual support, and community are not the same as state control of everything. It is not communism as far-right cheerleaders would have us believe when they tell us we must sacrifice for the ‘common good’. There is no freedom in hunger.
I always find it ironic that those who dogmatically subscribe to neoliberalism make the arguments about sacrifice and common good. What they are saying is go it alone–survival of the fittest, where the fittest are those who have the most money. Most of whom were born into this wealth. I don’t see those who are advocating this stance making any meaningful sacrifice. Instead, they make more money while those who can bear it least carry all the risk and sacrifice (remember dividends while people starve).
Let us stop asking that question–what can people in those circumstances do? In the current context it is not appropriate. Let us instead ask what needs to change? How is the system creating the conditions of hardship and want? What can we collectively do about it? We are a wealthy country. We have the resources.
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